Electoral System: The 'Imminent' Reform That Will Redesign Parliament

The 60-0 result of November 2024 is expected to be the last in Mauritian history. If all goes according to plan, the next general elections in 2029 (unless there are early elections) will take place under a new formula that will prevent any future 60-0 outcomes.

The new reform is expected to pass through Parliament next year. During a press conference held at the Government House, Deputy Prime Minister Paul Bérenger stated that this is a matter of months. Initially, a broad public consultation will be launched in the coming weeks or even days, but already, Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam and Paul Bérenger agree on a formula, with a slight nuance.

"We will bring the electoral reform as quickly as possible, that is, within a few months," he said, emphasizing the urgency of this measure compared to broader constitutional reforms, which will be addressed later. This statement comes in the context of the ruling coalition, led by the Labour Party (PTr) and including the MMM, Rezistans ek Alternativ (ReA), and New Democrats (ND), which is committed to modernizing Mauritian institutions.

To understand the stakes, it is important to recall the contours of the electoral model in place since independence in 1968. Mauritius has 21 constituencies, where 60 deputies (+2 for Rodrigues) are elected by a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system. This straightforward system favors parties capable of mobilizing local majorities, but is complemented by the Best Loser System (BLS), a unique corrective mechanism worldwide. The BLS allows for the addition of up to eight "best losers": four based on community criteria (Hindus, Muslims, Sino-Mauritians, general population), and four additional to rebalance the overall party results. Thus, the National Assembly can have up to 68 members, with theoretically balanced representation among communities.

While this mechanism is effective in avoiding massive exclusions, it is criticized for its archaic and discriminatory nature. Candidates are required to declare their community upon registration; otherwise, they face de facto exclusion. This point is part of a long-standing fight by Rezistans ek Alternativ. The party of Minister Ashok Subron seeks to completely eliminate this requirement.

The core of the announced reform rests on two pillars: the abolition of the mandatory community declaration for candidates and the introduction of a substantial dose of proportionality. According to Paul Bérenger, the 60 FPTP seats would be maintained, but 20 new deputies would be elected from party or alliance lists submitted by political leaders to the electoral commissioner or the Electoral Commission at least a deadline before the general elections. These closed lists would allow for more fluid representation of minority sensitivities without resorting to explicit ethnic criteria. "We will abolish the need to declare one's community to be a candidate and also inject a good dose of proportionality with 20 deputies who will be added to the 60 deputies elected by FPTP," explained the Deputy Prime Minister.

This hybrid model would increase the total number of deputies to 80 (+2 for Rodrigues), compared to the current maximum of 68 (+2 for Rodrigues, but this number could be raised to 3). There would thus be at least 12 additional deputies. These would not be attached to a constituency. This system resembles mixed systems used in countries like Germany or New Zealand, where part of the seats is allocated by majority vote and the other by proportional representation to correct distortions. In Mauritius, the 20 proportional seats would explicitly aim to "inject" diversity without stigmatizing communities, allowing parties to create lists reflecting their electoral bases. Voters would not vote directly for these lists; their allocation would be based on the overall results of the parties, thereby promoting a more inclusive representation of smaller parties, often marginalized by pure FPTP.

On this fundamental point, Paul Bérenger and Navin Ramgoolam "agree," as Paul Bérenger highlighted. Both consider the BLS as a tool "that has played its role in the past but [is now] outdated." Introduced before independence to ease inter-community tensions during the transition to autonomy, this system has allowed for remarkable stability – Mauritius is one of Africa's most robust democracies – but is now seen as a relic of a bygone era. The abolition of the community declaration, in particular, would mark a symbolic break, aligning Mauritius with international non-discrimination norms.

The Nuance

Despite this agreement, a "small nuance" separates the two leaders, Paul Bérenger admitted. While Navin Ramgoolam advocates for the immediate and total elimination of the BLS, his deputy argues for a gradual approach. "Navin Ramgoolam thinks we can eliminate the 'best loser', but human beings are not always rational. In one particular community, there is still fear," he argued.

According to him, keeping the four communal BLS – those allocated on an ethnic basis – for the first election post-reform would reassure before a definitive removal in subsequent elections. "I would have preferred to keep the first 4 based on the community at least for the first election after the electoral reform. The nuance is there. People will feel comfortable, and we can eliminate it later. I prefer to go through this step."

This divergence is labeled a "nuance" rather than a "disagreement." Paul Bérenger adds that "there is no disagreement between Ramgoolam and me on either the electoral reform or the 'best loser'," also calling on the public to submit suggestions "within a few days" through public consultations.

History of Failed Reforms: Comparative Table

This announcement is not the first attempt at electoral reform in Mauritius. Since 2002, several commissions and reports have outlined alternative paths, often hindered by partisan or community resistance. To clarify, here is a comparative table of the main proposals, including that of 2025: